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You! Look at all you people out here nodding!While soon there's gonna be a lot of bombing, we grieveTrump!? That guy just gives the pot a stirring motionI haven't seen such terrible emotions since New Year's Eve.

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Sorry about that, um, I'm gonna share a screen with you. Is that coming up for everyone? There how's that can you guys see my shared screen? All right so thank you very much, everyone! I just want to give you a quick introduction to the landscapes that we're gonna to be talking about. My work here is in Cambodia and here in Southeast Asia. Within Cambodia the landscape we're looking at is the Prey Lang Forest which is here in between the Mekong River and the Tonle Sap River. The Prey Lang Forest is the largest lowland evergreen forest in Indochina and you can see here starting from 1989 the dramatic changes that we're seeing in forest cover. This last slide is from 2014. I have some more recent ones that Ill show you in a little bit. Ah, but this gives you an idea of the extent of the forest landscape. As far as the way local people view this landscape, this is a place to get resources, this is where we get everything that we need, this is rattan we are fishing, this is rattan to make the boats and the baskets, uh, waterproof and also to sell. This

We kind of agreed to share a couple minutes about our sites to prompt the overall conversation, um, my research took place in Sulawesi, uh, here at the top in the middle of Indonesia right at cut at the center in a province called South Sulawesi and at the south east toe here you can see, uh, an area about 22,000 hectares and this is a place that, um, came to be very widely known in the last five years as the Kajang Indigenous Region. And the reason that it gained so much attention was because it was among the first to get a formal title, land returned back to an indigenous community in Indonesia. So lots of institutional reforms about the possibility to reclaim state land and this was among the first initiatives that succeeded and became a precedent setting site. Um, so that's the overall narrative that we know about the Kajang, um, in terms of gaining recognition, uh, and I'll talk a little bit about that but first I want to really show what, uh, what this area, this 22,000 hectares that I showed earlier looks like. So the western, uh, part of it here- the areas in blue looks like this upper left image so what you think of this is rubber plantations and about a quarter of this landscape is controlled by a rubber plantation, uhm, industrial scale operations. Now in the middle of the image here is the sacred forest of the Kajang right so this is the center of their cosmology, this is the area that was, uh, on paper it was state forests, uh, but it's still day-to-day very much controlled by, uhm, local indigenous practices and this was, uh, the land that was formally given title back to the indigenous community. So, um, depending on how much you know about, uh, the constitutional court, uh, developments in Indonesia, um, this was a precedent setting case so around the state this forest, this sacred forest, um, you can see here images on the bottom right, there's these traditional areas that the Pasangri Kajang which is the local moral code and belief systems is very much closely adhered to and this is how these locations look in and around the forest. On the bottom left is kind of a more, uh, a common landscape that you

Um, besides, um, you know of showing evidence, um, there's actually evidence of, uh, healing practices visible in the landscape today, for instance, um, in the limestone you can still see, uh, lommok which are the pestle and mortar, ah the mortar and pestle still in place, uh, engraved in the landscape. But today, the yoamte which are traditional healers still go to Litekyan and, um, to collect amot or medicine and they also bring their apprentices to, uh, to learn about, you know, medicinal practices. And here, you, I want to show some pictures, uh, here on the left-hand side. You see, uh, Jessica, um, shes, um, collecting, she's looking at, uh, Kamang tasi or Triumfetta umbens and, um, this is a plant that not is not so commonly found anymore, uh, on Guam and, um, healers really go to, um, Litekyan to collect these plants and there's a one healer that that uses it for babies medicine and when she needs, she, when she needs to prepare that medicine, she'll always go, um, to Litekyan and it's a lot of the medicine, and, are combination medicine so they usually need a lot of ingredients but this is one that is really wanted. And then on the right-hand side, you can see, um, so Auntie Susan she's collecting the fruits of, um, Nanasu or Scaevola taccada and that is used for, uh, eye ailments. It's not, it's actually pretty common this plant still on the island but they feel, the healers feel that the plants are more potent there at Litekyan and the fruits are bigger and you can see she's squeezing some of the juice of the fruits in her eye. So it's actually, um, used against pink eye but also for, um, just a kind of regular visine to relieve dry eyes. So, um, and my research, uh, besides of policy research, I looked into the ethnobotany, uh, of Litekyan if anybody has any questions about that during the presentation I'm more than welcome to answer those but, um, for this book, uh, here I'm more looking into the regulations, the policies, uh, relating to fighting to, uh, keep access to these places.

see the questions about, you know, how the arrival of security forces and things like that and casualties did happen right. Three people died in these clashes in 2003 and that's where indigeneity and the movements for Indonesian adat really became you know the resistance these used to be farmers, um, resisting against the plantation but now they were talking about these issues in terms of indigeneity and that gave them additional, um, opportunities to be able to contest these landscapes. But I, you know last week's panelists themes and what Courtney was just talking about in terms of the, uh, differences between the communities- there's clearly a difference and I think what was so interesting in my research was how the agriculture, the things that people planted really connected with their values about what things should be, right? So the people who are rice farmers who depend on this rotational system of changing over ownership, there's some clear pressures that are happening specific to rice and just the role of rice in traditional cultural practices in terms of how much rice you need to give to certain family members during a wedding really puts pressures on the landscape in terms of what your responsibility in the community is. But for other people who are really, you know, very dependent on smallholder rubber, for example, so there's a plantation and one of the really interesting contestations that come out of when you see the landscape is that local people started innovating and developing their own smallholder rubber and finding their own markets to sell to and then other tree crops started to come in and then you had these shifts what, what you know these crop booms that, I like to think of them and they're these waves that ripple across the landscape when one price comes up, new tree crops start to repopulate the landscape. When I was there in 2016, everybody was kind of trying to get rid of the rubber they had, because the prices were so low, in order to plant black pepper which had become this boom price. But if you go there now, people who are dependent on cloves, they can't sell their cloves because it doesn't have any price literally whatsoever right now. So these critical decisions on the household level are really, uh, fundamental for understanding, uh, you know the legal aspects that I went in, so interested in, right? It's like how do we make sure that we help communities to secure their land and then when you talk to communities, it's much more about what's the price of rubber versus pepper right now, what's, you know, when can I get my rotation of planting rice on the landscape? So I think for anybody doing this kind of research, having those contextual factors of how people create and recreate the landscape are really, uh, fundamental for understanding what's going on.

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Dr. Demeulenaere: Yeah, I would like to, um. So first of all I wanted to mention that, uh, Guahan is actually an unincorporated territory of the United States and still is one of the 17, uh, non, non-self-governing, uh, territories that is listed with the United Nations. And, um, you know they really have the right, uh, to their natural resources and should be able to give consent and this is not what's been happening during the NEPA process. I also wanted to delve a little bit more into the NEPA process because your question was really about how state policies hamper local solutions to ecological problems. So the NEPA process has actually an environmental justice portion, um, that is really meant to include, um, indigenous people and their vision and that hasn't been used I think not even not on Guam but also elsewhere- I have read that, um, that portion of NEPA is not really used. And then there's also a few problems met with that law specifically to island communities, too, is that, um, first of all, you know, when you have all these alternatives that are being proposed, uh, NEPA doesn't say that, yeah, you have to take the least, um, effect, you